What kind of programming does CPB fund? How can I request grants or funding for programming? Can I request grants or funding for a radio station? Can I request grants or funding for a television station? CPB is the steward of the federal government's investment in public media and supports the operations of nearly 1, locally owned and operated public television and radio stations.
Learn more here. CPB is a private nonprofit corporation created and funded by the federal government and is the steward of federal funding for public media. CPB does not produce or distribute programs, nor does it own, control or operate any broadcast stations. PBS is a private, nonprofit media enterprise owned by its member public television stations. PBS distributes programming to approximately locally controlled and operated public television stations across the country and is funded principally by these member stations, distribution and underwriting.
NPR is an independent nonprofit membership organization of separately licensed and operated public radio stations across the United States. NPR produces and distributes news, information, and cultural programming across broadcast and digital platforms. NPR has more than member stations that, as independent entities, own and operate about 1, stations nationwide.
NPR is principally funded by member stations, distribution services, underwriting and institutional grants and individual contributions. CPB is a private nonprofit corporation that is fully funded by the federal government. Ninety-five percent of CPB's appropriation goes directly to local public media stations, content development, community services, and other local station and system needs.
Less than five percent is allocated to administrative costs — an exceptionally low overhead rate compared with other nonprofits. CPB receives a two-year advance appropriation, which means that Congress makes the decision on the amount of federal support for public broadcasting two years ahead of the fiscal year in which the funding is allocated.
This is done in order to insulate content from political pressure, to allow for advance planning and to help stations leverage funds from other sources. For more information on our appropriation please see: Federal Appropriation.
While CPB does receive donations from time to time, every public media station relies on audience support to fund its programs and operations. We invite you to consider supporting your local public media station.
You can find station information here: cpb-station-finder. Federal funding is essential to the funding mix that supports public broadcasting. Public media is a public-private partnership in the best tradition of America's free enterprise system. Federal funds, distributed through CPB grants to local stations, provide critical seed money and basic operating support.
CPB, in addition to direct payment to public media stations, pays for the system's technical backbone, copyright and other fees, and makes major investments in national content from which all stations and the families they serve benefit. Specifically, the annual federal investment in public media assures universal access to public media's educational programming and public services for all Americans, as mandated by the Public Broadcasting Act of Dayton John Domaschko Julia I. Kauffman Paula A.
Kerger Daniel H. Leeds Hon. John E. Porter Jonathan S. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source. What is an influencer? Categories : National influencers Media Organizations c 3. Hidden category: Pages with reference errors. Voter information What's on my ballot? Where do I vote? How do I register to vote? How do I request a ballot? When do I vote? When are polls open?
Who Represents Me? Congress special elections Governors State executives State legislatures Ballot measures State judges Municipal officials School boards. How do I update a page? Election results. Privacy policy About Ballotpedia Disclaimers Login. Arlington, Va. Official website. Viewership Annually, 86 percent of all U. It thus made it to the final bill signed into law. Critics who held that Section violated the First Amendment kept fighting it and eventually won in court.
In , in Federal Communications Commission v. The House passed the bill on Sept. Some flexibility was allowed: Each program in a series would not have to meet this standard, but a series of programs as a whole would. The House approved the conference report on Oct.
Of the three, the Ford Foundation was to have the decisive impact. If public television is to fulfill our hopes, then the Corporation must be representative, it must be responsible, and it must be long on enlightened leadership. Richard Milhous Nixon was elected president a year later and entered the White House with a team full of hope.
That optimism extended to public broadcasting. Nixon intuitively understood the new medium. In fact, his career highlight the Checkers Speech and low point the debate with John F. Kennedy were televised events. The CPB may have been established under the Johnson Administration, but Nixon was clearly going to put his imprint on the experiment, or so his administration thought. Nixon and his team quickly realized to their dismay that educational and cultural broadcasting would soon also include public affairs programming to be presented by liberals.
Promises of balance and objectivity disappeared. Some variation of the same story would be repeated under almost every Republican leader, notably Ronald Reagan, Newt Gingrich and George W. As early as May 6, , Clay T. Nixon pushed PBS forward. At a meeting in the fall between Nixon, Frank Pace, Jr. Pace agrees with this and appreciates the additional support that will be forthcoming for CPB.
PBS began broadcasting on Oct. Another inheritance — the one that forces CPB to parade Big Bird in times of trouble — was the penchant for liberal public affairs programming that the Ford Foundation had instilled into NET. NPR, too, inherited this inclination. On May 3, the 5 p. When PBS announced on Sept. It was requested that all funds for Public Broadcasting be cut immediately. You should work this out so that the House Appropriations Committee gets the word.
Whitehead also began to build up a national case against public affairs programming. Congress eventually came around and pared down the budget.
Given the liberal dominance of the media, and inevitable liberal control of public broadcasting, I urged Nixon to terminate all federal funding. After he left office he told me he should have done so, leaving those who cherish what public broadcasting has on offer to pay for it themselves. As a result, PBS became more decentralized. An empowered Nixon might have gone on to defund the CPB.
But on July 17, five men were arrested after breaking into the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate complex, and the president soon became mired in the scandal that led to his demise. PBS covered the hearings gavel-to-gavel. Bush, too, under whom legislation was introduced to abolish the CPB.
He told a lunch gathering on Capitol Hill on Feb. The power of the speaker is the power of recognition, and I will not recognize any proposal that will appropriate money for the CPB.
Exactly the same fate befell President George W. Tomlinson resigned from the board on Nov. The seeds of tension between conservatives and public broadcasting were sown from the start. The tension has not been good for conservatives or public broadcasters and consequently for the country. Three main arguments follow: government spending in journalism falls outside the proper role of government; the problem is worsened by the left-leaning bias of the programming, which is unfair to roughly half the country, which must yet pay for public broadcasts; any justification that might have existed for public broadcasting in the s has now disappeared under the new technological environment.
These three problems are analyzed below. The careful reader will find that funding does not appear for either the press or education. Supreme Court has also refused to recognize any right to a taxpayer-funded education. Over time, support grew for publicly funded education if left to the individual states under the 10 th Amendment. In the mid th century, the concept of federal funding for education carried into classrooms by broadcasters had not yet been embraced, however.
However the early embrace of public affairs and the diminution of the educational component courted immediate opposition. Its purpose was to encourage local and private initiatives in educational programming and experimental program development. In its present form, NPR is just that, a journalistic medium, and one in which liberal voices dominate. As for PBS, little remains of the dreams Johnson harbored of outstanding teachers being brought to classrooms like his at Cotulla through the miracle of television.
This is not to say that there is no educational programming, but parsing what separates it from public affairs is not easy. LearningMedia is the portal through which teachers and parents can register and access digital resources, videos, interactive material, lesson plans and images.
That would only, however, raise questions for conservatives about whether educational programming is being used as surreptitious political indoctrination of the young. They have their own network. We are talking about political documentaries which come as close to being an editorial page as an institution such as broadcasting has. There is also an inherent contradiction in government funding media, when the media is supposed to keep government in check.
When taxpayers believe their taxes are being misused, they demand accountability and pressure their elected officials, who then turn that pressure on the public broadcaster. This is why government and the press must exist separately if the latter is to be an independent check on the former.
Changing the funding from annual appropriations to the BBC-style excise tax on television sets and radios that was proposed in the s would not fundamentally change the equation; such a tax would still be imposed by government, and it would also be increasingly impractical in the age of the Internet.
All taxpayer funds are raised coercively, which is why the government must act prudently when deciding what to do with the extracted funds.
The courts have held that Congress has the right to appropriate funds for ends that not all citizens agree on — say, a war — as long as those ends contribute to the public good and general safety. However in the area of expression, the courts have emphasized the need for balance.
In Wisconsin v. Southworth in , the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of mandatory university student activity fees used to support student groups that engaged in expressive activity. As Justice Samuel Alito explained when he wrote the opinion in the Harris v. Quinn case:. Public universities have a compelling interest in promoting student expression in a manner that is viewpoint neutral … This may be done by providing funding for a broad array of student groups.
If the groups funded are truly diverse, many students are likely to disagree with things that are said by some groups [emphasis mine]. Thus, the issue of bias makes its entry. In insisting on objectivity and balance and banning editorializing, the drafters of the Broadcasting Act seem to have had a good sense of the Constitution. When they let their guard down, NPR, PBS and their parent organization, the CPB, admit that their workforce is overwhelmingly progressive[] but reject that such lack of intellectual diversity has an impact on their output.
For that to be true, however, one would have to believe that liberals are fully conversant with conservative perspectives and ideas. More importantly, it would also have to be true that practically every Republican and Democratic leader since has been fundamentally wrong concerning their own political interests, the former in criticizing public broadcasting and the latter the opposite.
The argument that populating a newsroom with liberals will nonetheless produce objective reporting was well articulated on Sept. Bob Garfield : You and I both know that if you were to somehow poll the political orientation of everybody in the NPR news organization and at all of the member stations, you would find a progressive, liberal crowd, not uniformly, but overwhelmingly. Ira Glass : Journalism, in general, reporters tend to be Democrats and tend to be more liberal than the public as a whole, sure.
That journalists are more liberal than the public has been proven by countless studies.
0コメント